RNC, under Ronna McDaniel, is opening community centers around the county to court voters of color. For the moment, centers are focused on “firing up already-involved activists and local politicians,” more than “finding new votes,” and their hours are spotty. But it appears that the community centers will be a key part of the “RNC’s strategy to build on its recent gains among voters of color in 2022 and beyond.”
“Despite Democrats’ persistent and considerable advantage with these voters, immigrant neighborhoods across the country grew redder in 2020. Several of Republicans’ biggest victories in the House were the work of candidates from immigrant backgrounds, like Korean American Reps. Young Kim and Michelle Steel in Orange County and Cuban American Reps. Carlos Giménez and Maria Elvira Salazar in South Florida. Nationwide, Latino voters voted for former President Trump at higher rates than they did in 2016. Trump even improved his performance with Black voters. Then, following last week’s gubernatorial election in Virginia, some exit polls indicated that Glenn Youngkin outperformed Trump among Black voters. And there’s debate over whether he won Latino voters against former Gov. Terry McAuliffe.
The Republican Party’s message to voters of color isn’t much different from its message to voters in general. Empowering parents to shape their children’s education is a major focus. RNC communications director Danielle Alvarez said school choice is a topic of discussion at the party’s Black community centers, as are HBCUs. Across the community centers, Republicans said, visitors are concerned about Democratic overreach and its impact on the economy, a topic that came up at the Wednesday roundtable.”
New draft on SSRN by John G. Matsusaka and Chad Kendall:
Do voters see democracy entirely as a game of self-interest in which one person’s gain is another’s loss, or do they also view it as a search for the common good, as some democracy theorists have long conjectured? Existing empirical research that assumes entirely private interests cannot answer this question, by design. We develop an empirical model in which voters derive utility from both common-good and private considerations, and show formally how to disentangle the two preference components. We estimate the model on California ballot propositions from 1986 to 2020, and find that 46 to 87 percent of voters place significant weight on the common-good aspects of proposals. Common-good concerns mitigate the effects of voter polarization, which we find substantially increased over out study period – particularly in the last six years.
on Miami, following up on the more general effort I’d flagged by prosecutors to
fight back against the Florida legislature’s fines-and-fees limitations on the
Amendment 4 initiative restoring the vote to those with convictions.
Erwin Chemerinsky’s thoughtful op-ed discusses ways for California (and other states) to defend public initiatives in federal court.
DOMA has been struck down as unconstitutional. Prop 8 case from California dismissed on standing grounds (initiative proponents have no cognizable injury distinct from the general population). I haven’t yet read thoroughly, but SCOTUSblog reports that neither finds a constitutional right to same-sex marriage.
DOMA decision is here; Prop 8 is here.
Both 5-4, very different majorities. DOMA is Kennedy, Ginsburg, Breyer, Kagan, Sotomayor; Prop 8 is Roberts, Scalia, Ginsburg, Breyer, Kagan.
Earlier today I wrote about how Texas, which had indicated an intent to appeal, could seek emergency relief from the Supreme Court to put its ID law into effect for November’s elections.
But now comes this from AP: “State Attorney General Greg Abbott said he will appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court, “where we are confident we will prevail.” He also told the Associated Press late Thursday that there is now definitely not enough time to salvage the law for the November election.”
So we are just waiting on Pa. and South Carolina as states whose ID laws are on hold (and Wisconsin, if the Supreme Court takes up AG van Hollen’s invitation to look at this case again—very unlikely).
Pending signature verification, it looks like Ohio may have redistricting reform on the ballot once again this November. The initiative would create a commission to draw districts modeled in some ways on California’s new commission, though with important differences in the composition of the commission, its voting rules, and the criteria that it would apply.
The LA Times offers this front-page report.
Back in 2000, I wrote this piece for the Columbia Law Review discussing the complex relationship of political parties to the initiative process, especially in California. More recently, Chris Elmendorf and Ethan Leib have written this interesting article on the topic, which is forthcoming in the California Law Review.