Tag Archives: partisan gerrymander

“Recovering from Rucho: How States Can Create National Partisan Fairness”

Jamie Piltch and Aaron Goldzimer have a new piece in the Wash. U. L. Rev. Online:

Rucho v. Common Cause and the failure to pass H.R. 1 have left national gerrymandering reform on life support. At present, however, states committed to creating fair maps limit themselves to considering their own political makeup when doing so. This internal approach risks the possibility that states committed to fairness subvert that value, as their refusal to consider national political data and other states’ maps may lock in an unfair map nationwide if other states gerrymander. This internal focus therefore also creates the possibility that reform-minded states fail to protect their voters’ interests in Congress.

This Essay proposes a novel path forward: a new redistricting criterion that allows states to prioritize national partisan fairness, rather than statewide fairness. Federalisms new and old justify this new criterion on a theoretical basis, while the seeming impossibility of national reform in Congress or federal courts justifies it on a practical one. The Essay explains how the consideration of other states’ maps would allow states to make the national Congressional map fair on net and walks through the mechanics necessary for this criterion’s implementation.

As the authors note, this really works only if a state draws congressional lines after most other states with sizable populations are done, and I’m skeptical that the race to be last would be feasible in a world with mid-decade redistricting possibility. (Or, if feasible, that it wouldn’t have unanticipated consequences of its own.)  Which means I still think national legislation makes the most sense problem of national scale.  But if, as they say, national legislation isn’t available . . . .

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“Amid upcoming redistricting deadline, massive changes could soon be coming for Ohio’s congressional map”

Ohio’s redistricting process has been, charitably, a mess

WLWT in Ohio focuses on the coming summer redraw of Ohio’s congressional lines, which were valid only for 2022 and 2024 under Ohio’s constitution, because they were passed by a simple legislative majority rather than by bipartisan consensus.  The article picks up on the national pressure for both Texas and Ohio to redraw congressional lines to maximize partisan gain.

Seems like a useful time for a reminder that the Supreme Court called “excessive partisanship in redistricting” “incompatible with democratic principles,” even as it closed federal courthouse doors to hearing partisan gerrymandering claims.  Whether something is constitutional or not – or consistent with elected officials’ oaths of office – is a question emphatically different from whether a judicial dispute resolution forum is available.

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“Tarrant County Judge Tim O’Hare Speaks on Redistricting Effort, Partisanship Claims”

A coming vote on new mid-decade maps for Tarrant County, Texas (where Ft. Worth is the county seat) has been quite controversial, with charges of racial and partisan impropriety, and likely litigation on the horizon.

County Judge Tim O’Hare has initiated the redistricting process.  (In Texas counties with fewer than 225,000 people, the “county judge” is a judicial official, but in counties like Ft. Worth, the “county judge” is both a member of the legislature and the chief executive; the policymaking body consists of four commissioners elected from precincts and the county judge elected at-large.)

And Judge O’Hare has been in the news quite a bit this week based on the rationale for the new maps.  Per The Texan: “The only reason O’Hare said he is looking for three Republican precincts in the county is because he can’t figure out a way to have four.”   And CBS recounts: “O’Hare said, ‘This is about partisan politics. You can legally in this country, according to the U.S. Supreme Court, draw maps for partisan purposes. So for me, it’s 100% about partisan politics.’”

O’Hare’s dead wrong about that latter point, but his confusion is understandable, and that’s absolutely the Supreme Court’s fault.  In Rucho v. Common Cause, citing dicta from racial gerrymandering cases and improperly conflating “partisan” and “political,” the Supreme Court did say that securing partisan advantage to some degree is constitutionally permissible.  (I still think that was both unnecessary and wrong, but I’m not the one in the robes.) 

But – and this is a critical point that some legislators of both parties have willfully misunderstood — the Court did NOT say that excessive partisan gerrymandering was legal.  Quite the opposite: the Court recognized as “fact” that “excessive partisanship in districting” is “incompatible with democratic principles.”  Rucho held only that the federal courts were unavailable to hear claims of excessive partisanship. 

That’s a big difference.  Or, at least, it should be to anyone who takes an oath to uphold the Constitution.  If local law enforcement won’t arrest or prosecute you for shoplifting, that forbearance doesn’t make shoplifting legal.  (See, e.g., federal appropriations riders preventing federal prosecution of some marijuana-related crimes; federal executive orders temporarily declining to enforce a very clear statutory social media ban) 

So while O’Hare’s correct that blatant use of government power to punish opposing partisans represents a weird lacuna in the redistricting context for federal court enforcement, it’s not true that 100% partisanship in the drawing of district lines is “legal.”

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“NC judges won’t block primary election preparation over redistricting cases”

News and Observer

The three-judge panel in North Carolina charged with reviewing the challenge to the state’s new maps refused today to grant a preliminary injunction blocking the congressional and legislative maps approved last month . The decision can and is being appealed. And the case will proceed to the merits. The full article by Brian Murphy is worth the read for a quick take on North Carolina’s precedent on partisan gerrymandering.

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