Ron Brownstein in Bloomberg (paywalled).
“The current House is unusual in the modern era in being very close to perfectly neutral according to various measures of partisan bias,” Nicholas Stephanopoulos, a professor at Harvard Law School and expert in redistricting, told me. Under the current lines, Stephanopoulos and his colleagues have argued, the party that wins the most votes in House elections nationwide is also very likely to win the majority — a big improvement from 2012 when severe gerrymandering allowed Republicans to amass a 33-seat House majority even as Democrats won the national popular vote. . . .
If Texas succeeds in launching a new redistricting war, it could disrupt the best (if inadvertent) feature of the current maps: their rough partisan balance. In an all-out mobilization, Republicans probably can squeeze out about half a dozen more House seats than Democrats before 2026. That would not shift the maps back all the way to their lopsided pro-GOP tilt after 2010, says Sam Wang, president of the Electoral Innovation Lab at Princeton University. But, he says, it would erase the roughly neutral playing field, and likely force Democrats to win the total House popular vote by 2 to 3 percentage points to claim the majority. . . .
The best solution would be legislation establishing comprehensive, national rules for redistricting. In 2021, the Democratic-controlled House passed the sweeping election reform bill known as HR 1 that would have required states to use independent commissions to draw Congressional district lines and applied national standards to that process. Those included avoiding partisan bias, ensuring geographic continuity in the districts, and barring mid-decade redistricting. . . .
There might be other ways to address the gerrymandering problem. Though the US Supreme Court ruled in the 2019 Rucho case that federal courts can’t overturn partisan gerrymanders, state legal action may still offer some opportunities to curb excesses: Stephanopoulos and his colleagues at the Harvard Election Law Clinic recently helped craft a novel lawsuit in Wisconsin that argues the extreme lack of competition in the state’s Congressional map “makes a mockery of” the state constitution’s promise of equal protection and the right to vote. In the long run, some election reformers believe that returning to the early 19th-century model of electing multiple members from a single district offers the best chance to ensure both greater fairness and competition.