“Attorney general’s edits to constitutional initiative went too far, Montana Supreme Court rules”

AP News: Montana Supreme Court, over two dissents, sided with Montanans for Nonpartisan Courts, finding that the Montana Attorney General “went too far in editing ballot language for an initiative calling for nonpartisan court elections.” Earlier coverage of the issue is here.

“’We conclude the Attorney General’s proposed Statement does not meet the requirements of (the law), because his wording does not fairly state to the voters what is proposed within CI-132,’ Justice James Shea wrote for a four-judge majority.”

Share this:

My Contribution to NYU’s Democracy Project: “Making Civil Society Great Again to Protect the 2026 Elections”

A snippet:

What can be done? As I explained more fully in an August guest commentary in the New York Times, states, the courts, and ultimately the American people must serve as the bulwarks against election subversion. In this follow-up post, I want to explore more deeply what the American people can do, and what it means when I wrote in the Times that to “keep us from sliding further into autocracy, it is civil society we must make great again.”

American elections are hyperdecentralized and fragmented. Federal law controls some things about how elections are run, but administration is mostly a local matter, with states designating counties or other smaller units to actually run elections. It falls to election administrators and local boards, some of whom are chosen on a partisan basis, to do things like assuring there are adequate procedures protecting the chain of custody of ballots, choosing the most suitable voting machines, and setting rules for resolving challenges to ballots or voters.

These local administrators and bodies are the front line of defense against efforts to subvert election results. Subversion can happen in a number of ways including by changing voting rules to disenfranchise classes of voters, accepting non-meritorious challenges to ballots in close elections, closing or moving polling places to make it harder for people to vote, allowing federal officials near or into polling locations in ways that can intimidate voters, and much more.

Election administrators are professionals, and most are imbued with a deep commitment to free and fair elections. Partisan boards can be more of a mix in terms of their commitments. But both administrators and boards might succumb to pressure to bend or break election rules if Trump himself directs or endorses such interference in the Orwellian name of protecting “election integrity.” 

The solution is to rely on civil society. Community leaders—including business people, religious leaders, and educators—need to clearly and repeatedly call for transparency and a commitment to free and fair elections. Everyday people should be aware of decisions being made by state and local election administrators and boards, attend public meetings of these bodies, submit public comments, observe election procedures, and let everyone in charge know that anything short of free and fair elections is unacceptable….

Share this:

NY Court of Appeals Ruling in NYVRA Case

In a decision this morning, the New York Court of Appeals unanimously ruled against the town of Newburgh, the defendant in an ongoing vote dilution case under the New York Voting Rights Act (NYVRA). Newburgh argued that the NYVRA’s vote dilution provision violates the Equal Protection Clause because, to comply with the law, jurisdictions must consider race. The court declined to address Newburgh’s merits argument, holding instead that, as a municipality of New York, the town lacks the capacity to mount a facial constitutional challenge. Harvard Law School’s Election Law Clinic represents the plaintiffs, and I argued the case before the court.

This case presents the question whether the Town and Town Board of Newburgh— subordinate governmental entities created by, divisible by and even extinguishable by the State Legislature—can maintain this facial constitutional challenge to the vote dilution provision of the New York Voting Rights Act (“NYVRA”) (codified at Election Law § 17-200 et seq.). They cannot. . . .

Plaintiffs allege that (1) voting patterns in Newburgh are racially polarized and (2) the at-large election system effectively disenfranchises Black and Hispanic voters, who cannot elect candidates of their choice or influence the outcome of elections. Plaintiffs seek a declaration that Newburgh’s use of an at-large election system violates Section 17-206 and an injunction ordering Newburgh to implement either a districting plan or an alternative method of election for the 2025 Town Board election.

Newburgh moved for summary judgment on the bases that (1) Section 17-206 is facially unconstitutional because it violates the Equal Protection Clause of both the U.S. and New York Constitutions and (2) its Town Board elections comply with the NYVRA. . . .

The longstanding rule in New York is that political subdivisions—as creatures of the State that “exist[] by virtue of the exercise of the power of the State through its legislative department”—cannot sue to invalidate State legislation (City of New York v State of New York, 86 NY2d 286, 289-290 [1995] . . . .

Just as the legislature has the power to create entities to perform its functions, it has the power to change, and even destroy, those entities. Separation of powers principles accordingly demand that courts do not interfere in legislative disputes raised by legislative subordinates. Those principles are the bedrock of our federal and State Constitutions alike. . . .

Newburgh’s challenge to the NYVRA does not fall within the dilemma exception. Whatever might be said as to a municipality’s ability to bring an as-applied challenge, showing that it will be forced to take a course of action that is unconstitutional, Newburgh is pursuing a facial invalidity claim. . . . For a facial constitutional challenge, principles of “judicial restraint” (World Trade Ctr., 30 NY3d at 385) counsel strongly against permitting subordinate units of state government from using the judiciary to second-guess the wisdom of enacted legislation. A municipality’s authority to raise a challenge to a State law is at its lowest ebb when that challenge is a facial constitutional challenge, seeking to invalidate a statute in all possible applications, not merely because it allegedly placed the particular municipality in an allegedly untenable position. . . .

Newburgh’s arguments about why we should hold that it meets a dilemma exception fail to persuade us. Newburgh has not shown that compliance with the NYVRA would force it into taking an unconstitutional action. The litigation has yet to even proceed to trial, making presently unknown: (1) whether Newburgh would face any liability; and (2) in the event it did, what a court would require it to do. The NYVRA’s vote-dilution provision leaves courts wide latitude in designing remedies, so that to prevail on its facial challenge, Newburgh would have to show that “every conceivable application” of the NYVRA—i.e., every possibly remedy a trial court could order—would force it to take an unconstitutional act . . . .

Newburgh contends that because, in its view, the NYVRA violates the U.S. Constitution, the Supremacy Clause overcomes New York’s bar prohibiting its subordinate local governments from suing it. Newburgh offers no authority for that novel proposition, which would authorize every local governmental entity to sue to challenge as unconstitutional any State legislation arguably affecting that subordinate entity. . . .

Newburgh argues that “any alteration of its race-neutral, at-large election system in order to comply with the NYVRA’s vote-dilution provisions would be unconstitutional.” But that contention, as explained by counsel at oral argument (see oral argument tr at 8-12), rests on the proposition that a mere finding of liability itself would place Newburgh in the position of violating the Constitution or obeying the order of the court—when there is no order of the court compelling it to do anything. And in any event, several of the potential remedies mentioned by the NYVRA to redress a finding of vote dilution—such as longer polling hours or enhanced voter education—cannot reasonably be described as alterations of an at-large election system.

Share this:

Judge Jerry Smith Issues His 104-Page Dissent to Yesterday’s 3-Judge District Court Holding that Texas’s Re-Redistricting is Likely an Unconstitutional Racial Gerrymander. Along the Way He Calls Out the “Pernicious” and “Outrageous” Behavior of Judge Brown in the Majority

You can find the dissent at this link. It begins with a remarkable attack on Judge Brown (a Trump appointee) explaining that Smith was not responsible for any delay in issuing the decision: In my 37 years on the federal… Continue reading