Tag Archives: preclearance

DOJ weighs in in Alabama preclearance

In the Alabama redistricting case, readers will recall the May 8 unanimous 571-page-opinion from one judge first appointed by Reagan and two judges appointed by Trump; the opinion said, inter alia, “try as we might, we cannot understand the 2023 Plan as anything other than an intentional effort to dilute Black Alabamians’ voting strength and evade the unambiguous requirements of court orders standing in the way.”

Travis Crum noted at the time that this decision made an ideal candidate for “bail-in” back into the preclearance regime under section 3 of the Voting Rights Act, which remains a viable (but underutilized) path to preclearance in the face of intentional misbehavior.

One set of plaintiffs in Alabama have asked for section 3 bail-in.  Friday afternoon, the DOJ weighed in, opposing the need for preclearance and asserting that outright defiance of federal courts in the service of discrimination isn’t discrimination that’s flagrant enough to matter under the statutory standard. 

(The brief also has a curious Etch-a-Sketch approach to both history and precedent.  It claims that the “Supreme Court found in 2013 that Alabama’s past constitutional and statutory violations of the right to vote were insufficient to sustain continued coverage under Section 5.”  There’s no pincite for that claim.  Given the discussion at pp. 2629-30 of Shelby County, I think that’s a particularly strained reading of what the Supreme Court actually found in the case.)

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“Alabama may pause redistricting efforts until 2030 to avoid federal oversight”

That’s the headline of a States Newsroom piece about a Wednesday filing in Alabama’s congressional redistricting litigation.  But I can’t understand why it’s warranted.

It’s true that after a three-judge court’s 571-page opinion (not a typo) a few weeks ago, one of the issues in continuing proceedings is whether Alabama should be put back into preclearance based on its intentional racial discrimination, under the Voting Rights Act’s “bail-in” provision.  A separate issue in continuing proceedings is whether Alabama should have another opportunity to redraw the congressional map, after the 571-page opinion found problems with the legislature’s latest.

The map currently in place is a temporary placeholder drawn by a special master in 2023 for the 2024 election.  Wednesday’s filing resolves the second issue: it says that the legislature has no intent to draw a new map before 2030; pending appeal, the state is fine with leaving the special master’s temporary map in place.  But I have no idea why that decision should have any impact on the issue of bail-in.  In describing the legislature’s conduct to date, the court said “try as we might, we cannot understand the 2023 Plan as anything other than an intentional effort to dilute Black Alabamian’s voting strength.”  I don’t know why Wednesday’s filing impacts the strength of that finding – or the consequences of that finding for bail-in — one iota.

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Texas shows Congress must update the Voting Rights Act

Thanks to Rick for inviting me to serve as a regular contributor at the Election Law Blog!

Click here for my latest at The Huffington Post.

An excerpt:  “A recent court action against Texas is important, but it should not fool us into believing that existing laws are sufficient to protect voting rights.  Indeed, the central lesson from Texas is that Congress must update the Voting Rights Act.”

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