Announcing the Winter/Spring Lineup of Safeguarding Democracy Project Events

We’ve got a great lineup of in person, online, and hybrid events!

Alternate text   Tuesday, January 28 
Fair Elections and Voting Rights: What’s Ahead in the Next Four Years? Image   

Register for the webinar here. In-person registration here. Lunch will be provided.
Tuesday, January 28, 12:15pm-1:15pm PT Room 1327 at UCLA Law and online
Amy Gardner, The Washington Post, Pamela Karlan, Stanford Law School, and Stephen Richer, former Recorder of Maricopa County, Arizona. Moderated by Richard L. Hasen (Director, Safeguarding Democracy Project)   

Thursday, February 13 
Finding Common Ground on Modernizing Voter Registration Image   

Register for the webinar here.
Thursday, February 13, 12:15pm-1:15pm PT, Webinar
Christina Adkins, Director of Elections, Texas Secretary of State’s Office, Judd Choate, Director of Elections in Colorado, and Charles H. Stewart III, MIT. Richard L. Hasen, moderator (Director, Safeguarding Democracy Project, UCLA)   

Tuesday, March 4 
What do Documentary Proof of Citizenship Requirements for Voter Registration Accomplish? Image   

Register for the webinar here. In-person registration here. Lunch will be provided.Tuesday, March 4, 12:15pm-1:15pm PT at UCLA Law School Room 1327 and online
Adrian Fontes, Arizona Secretary of State, Walter Olson, Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute, and Nina Perales, Vice President of Litigation, MALDEF (Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund) Richard L. Hasen, moderator (Director, Safeguarding Democracy Project, UCLA)   

Monday, March 31 
Combatting False Election Information: Lessons from 2024 and a Look to the Future 
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Register for the webinar here.
Monday, March 31, 12:15pm-1:15pm PT, Webinar
Alice Marwick, Director of Research, Data & Society, UNC Chapel Hill, Kate Starbird, University of Washington, and Joshua Tucker, NYU. Richard L. Hasen, moderator (Director, Safeguarding Democracy Project, UCLA)   

Thursday, April 10
 Partisan Primaries, Polarization, and the Risks of Extremism
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Register for the webinar here.Thursday, April 10, 12:15pm-1:15pm PT, Webinar
Julia Azari, Marquette University, Ned Foley, Ohio State University, Moritz College of Law, Seth Masket, Denver University, and Rick Pildes, NYU Law School  Richard L. Hasen, moderator (Director, Safeguarding Democracy Project, UCLA)   
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“‘I Think Things Are Going to Be Bad, Really Bad’: The US Military Debates Possible Deployment on US Soil Under Trump”

Michael Hirsh for Politico Magazine:

According to nearly a dozen retired officers and current military lawyers, as well as scholars who teach at West Point and Annapolis, an intense if quiet debate is underway inside the U.S. military community about what orders it would be obliged to obey if President-elect Donald Trump decides to follow through on his previous warnings that he might deploy troops against what he deems domestic threats, including political enemies, dissenters and immigrants.

On Nov. 18, two weeks after the election, Trump confirmed he plans to declare a national emergency and use the military for the mass deportations of illegal immigrants.

One fear is that domestic deployment of active-duty troops could lead to bloodshed given that the regular military is mainly trained to shoot at and kill foreign enemies. The only way to prevent that is establishing clear “rules of engagement” for domestic deployments that outline how much force troops can use — especially considering constitutional restraints protecting U.S. citizens and residents — against what kinds of people in what kinds of situations. And establishing those new rules would require a lot more training, in the view of many in the military community….

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“The Good Lawyers of January 6”

W. Bradley Wendel has posted this draft on SSRN. Here is the abstract:

Much of the response by the community of legal ethics and professional responsibility scholars to the 2020 presidential election has been focused on the wrongs committed by lawyers like John Eastman, Jeffrey Clark, and Kenneth Chesebro, who created the alternate elector scheme to throw the decision regarding the election to the House of Representatives. Yet there was a group of lawyers, that I will refer to as the good lawyers of January 6, who forcefully and unequivocally opposed this plan, refused to cooperate in its execution, advised Vice President Mike Pence that it was not legally supportable, and in some cases threatened to resign in protest if President Trump went forward with it. These lawyers are, almost without exception, card-carrying movement conservatives, with pedigrees including clerkships for conservative Supreme Court Justices, membership in the Federalist Society, and service in prior Republican administrations. They include Greg Jacob, counsel to Vice President Pence; White House Counsel Pat Cipollone; White House Senior Advisor Eric Hershmann; retired federal judge J. Michael Luttig; Acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen; and Deputy Attorney General Richard Donoghue. 

As a normative legal ethics theorist I am interested in whether there a coherent and attractive ideal or set of principles of ethical conduct by lawyers that would align with the refusal of these lawyers to advice or assist in the overthrow of the election. The answer to this question may inform the way we regulate lawyers and seek to educate and inspire law students to promote the highest ideals of the profession. 

 Granting that this is somewhat speculative, my hypothesis is that a commitment to the rule of law is central to the professional identity of the lawyers who refused to lend their assistance to Trump’s “Stop the Steal” efforts. Of course, each of these lawyers may have acted for his own unique reasons, but the normative commitment shared by all of them is fidelity to the rule of law. The concept of the rule of law is, of course, a contested one in legal philosophy. Debates continue over matters such as formal or substantive definitions of the rule of law, the relationship between democracy and the rule of law, the problem of legal injustice, and whether a state that purports to respect the ideal of the rule of law must also respect certain substantive human rights.  However, there may be sufficient agreement on key features of the rule of law as it bears on the ethical obligations and professional identity of lawyers. The actions of the good lawyers of January 6 serve as a kind of ostensive definition of the ideal of the rule of law as a principle of ethical lawyering. The basis for these lawyers’ advice to Vice President Pence was a judgment that the constitution and federal election law, properly interpreted, simply did not support the position urged by Eastman, Clark, and Chesebro.

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“The ‘Determinative Popular Vote’: Measuring the Margin in U.S. Presidential Elections”

Mark Haider and Aidan Calvelli have posted this draft on SSRN (forthcoming, Election Law Journal). Here is the abstract:

Presidential elections are often close; that much is clear. But the standard ways of measuring the margins in these elections-the national popular vote and the Electoral College vote-paint incomplete, even misleading pictures of exactly how close they are. Due to the structure of the Electoral College, national votes don’t decide the presidency. And because of state winner-take-all rules for allocating electors, Electoral College counts often inflate the gap between candidates. Both measures fail to capture how election outcomes can turn on a small number of individual votes in a few key states. This Article presents a new metric that better assesses the closeness of presidential elections: the “Determinative Popular Vote” (DPV)-the minimum number of additional votes that could have altered the Electoral College outcome. We present the first comprehensively defined and historically complete analysis of this approach, calculating DPV for every election from 1836 to 2020. Our measure of closeness reveals that presidential elections are far closer than other metrics suggest. Our findings also provide new data to evaluate longstanding critiques of the Electoral College’s democratic legitimacy, including how it creates unequal voting power, allows for electoral inversions or contingent elections, and presents risks of election subversion. DPV is thus a tool for scholars, political analysts, and citizens alike to accurately measure the margin in our most consequential elections.

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“The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Redistricting Commissions in the 2021 Cycle”

Sam Wang and Zacharia Sippy have posted this draft on SSRN (forthcoming, Duke Journal of Constitutional Law & Public Policy). here is the abstract:

In the last decade, redistricting commissions have proliferated across the United States as a means of reducing partisan gerrymandering. This article provides a comprehensive evaluation of their performance through both qualitative and quantitative analysis. Drawing on redistricting data from all fifty states between 2021 and 2024, we analyze how different commission designs impact partisan fairness, competitiveness, and adherence to traditional principles like compactness and preservation of communities of interest. Our analysis reveals that autonomous commissions with final map-drawing authority, balanced bipartisan processes with multiple non-partisan actors, and binding judicial review consistently produced redistricting plans with lower partisan bias and higher electoral competition. These successful commissions were typically established through popular ballot initiatives. Conversely, commissions serving only in an advisory role or lacking clear judicial oversight frequently saw their work undermined by legislatures pursuing partisan advantage. We conclude that autonomous commissions, created by and composed of citizens, provide the most effective available approach for curbing gerrymandering. The article concludes with recommendations for expanding the commission model for the 2030 redistricting cycle.

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