This new paper from Herron, Smith, et. al., out incredibly fast, suggests that there were 4,000 people in Gwinnett County who accidentally voted twice in the Loeffler-Collins-Warnock race, due to confusion of the double-column ballot used there. Pictures of the ballot in Gwinnett County compared to the one in Bibb County, from their paper is below. This has no effect on the presidential election and did not affect the outcome in the Senate race, but a possible example about how badly designed ballots can confuse voters:

In Reuters interviews with 50 Trump voters, all said they believed the election was rigged or in some way illegitimate. Of those, 20 said they would consider accepting Biden as their president, but only in light of proof that the election was conducted fairly. Most repeated debunked conspiracy theories espoused by Trump, Republican officials and conservative media claiming that millions of votes were dishonestly switched to Biden in key states by biased poll workers and hacked voting machines.
Many voters interviewed by Reuters said they formed their opinions by watching emergent right-wing media outlets such as Newsmax and One American News Network that have amplified Trump’s fraud claims. Some have boycotted Fox News out of anger that the network called Biden the election winner and that some of its news anchors – in contrast to its opinion show stars – have been skeptical of Trump’s fraud allegations. …
It may not be the last time. Many Republicans see attacks on election integrity as a winning issue for future campaigns – including the next presidential race, according to one Republican operative close to the Trump campaign. The party, the person said, is setting up a push for “far more stringent oversight on voting procedures in 2024,” when the party’s nominee will likely be Trump or his anointed successor.
Many Republican voters scoff at those results, convinced Trump was cheated. Raymond Fontaine, a hardware store owner in Oakville, Connecticut, said Biden’s vote total – the highest of any presidential candidate in history – makes no sense because the 78-year-old Democrat made relatively few campaign appearances and seemed to be in mental decline….
“You are going to tell me 77 million Americans voted for him? There is just no way,” said Fontaine, 50….
Rory Wells, 51, a New Jersey lawyer who attended a pro-Trump “stop the steal” election protest in Trenton last week, said he now watches Newsmax because Fox isn’t sufficiently conservative.
“I like that I get to hear from Rudy Giuliani and others who are not immediately discounted as being crazy,” he said of Trump’s lead election lawyer.
Newsmax CEO Chris Ruddy said the network’s viewership has exploded since the election, with nearly 3 million viewers nightly via cable television and streaming video devices.
In Sundown, Texas, Mayor Jonathan Strickland said there’s “no way in hell” Biden won fairly. The only way he’ll believe it, he said, is if Trump himself says so.
“Trump is the only one we’ve been able to trust for the last four years,” said Strickland, an oilfield production engineer. “As far as the civil war goes, I don’t think it’s off the table.”
If it comes to a fight, Caleb Fryar is ready. But the 26-year-old son of Brett Fryar, the chiropractor, said he hoped Trump’s fraud allegations would instead spark a massive mobilization of Republican voters in future elections.
Asked whether Trump might be duping his followers, he said it’s hard to fathom.
“If I’m being manipulated by Trump … then he is the greatest con man that ever lived in America,” Caleb Fryar said. “I think he’s the greatest patriot that ever lived.”
In a total loss the the Trump campaign, a federal district court in Pennsylvania has dismissed the most serious case brought by the campaign and denied the campaign a motion to file an amended complaint.
The judge just excoriates this suit, which those of us in the field have called ridiculous from the start:
In other words, Plaintiffs ask this Court to disenfranchise almost seven million voters. This Court has been unable to find any case in which a plaintiff has sought such a drastic remedy in the contest of an election, in terms of the sheer volume of votes asked to be invalidated. One might expect that when seeking such a startling outcome, a plaintiff would come formidably armed with compelling legal arguments and factual proof of rampant corruption, such that this Court would have no option but to regrettably grant the proposed injunctive relief despite the impact it would have on such a large group of citizens.
That has not happened. Instead, this Court has been presented with strained legal arguments without merit and speculative accusations, unpled in the operative complaint and unsupported by evidence. In the United States of America, this cannot justify the disenfranchisement of a single voter, let alone all the voters of its sixth most populated state. Our people, laws, and institutions demand more. At bottom, Plaintiffs have failed to meet their burden to state a claim upon which relief may be granted. Therefore, I grant Defendants’ motions and dismiss Plaintiffs’ action with prejudice.
In a 37-page opinion, the court concluded:
Defendants’ motions to dismiss the First Amended Complaint are granted with prejudice. Leave to amend is denied. “Among the grounds that could justify a denial of leave to amend are undue delay, bad faith, dilatory motive, prejudice, and futility.” Given that: (1) Plaintiffs have already amended once as of right; (2) Plaintiffs seek to amend simply in order to effectively reinstate their initial complaint and claims; and (3) the deadline for counties in Pennsylvania to certify their election results to Secretary Boockvar is November 23, 2020, amendment would unduly delay resolution of the issues. This is especially true because the Court would need to implement a new briefing schedule, conduct a second oral argument, and then decide the issues.
The court had many problems with the complaint, but this goes to the heart of the merits: “Granting Plaintiffs’ requested relief would necessarily require invalidating the ballots of every person who voted in Pennsylvania. Because this Court has no authority to take away the right to vote of even a single person, let alone millions of citizens, it cannot grant Plaintiffs’ requested relief.”
The court first held that both the individual plaintiffs and the Trump campaign lacked standing to raise the equal protection complaint in the lawsuit. Among other thing, the court remarked: “Neither of these orders would redress the injury the Individual Plaintiffs allege they have suffered. Prohibiting certification of the election results would not reinstate the Individual Plaintiffs’ right to vote. It would simply deny more than 6.8 million people their right to vote.“
Further on the merits of the equal protection claim, the court held: “Requiring that every single county administer elections in exactly the same way would impose untenable burdens on counties, whether because of population, resources, or a myriad of other reasonable considerations.” And: “Plaintiffs’ only remaining claim alleges a violation of equal protection. This claim, like Frankenstein’s Monster, has been haphazardly stitched together from two distinct theories in an attempt to avoid controlling precedent.”
This is a total loss for the Trump campaign and a dead end. The campaign can try to appeal this to the Third Circuit and even to the Supreme Court, but this is such a dog of a case I cannot see any chance of success there, even before the most sympathetic judges.
Rudy had truly participated in the worst piece of election litigation I have ever seen, both in terms of the lawyering and the antidemocratic nature of what the lawsuit attempted to do.
[This post has been updated.]
Further update:
I have tweeted more about this case, including this point in the thread:
Maricopa County’s election results are certified and final.
The Maricopa County Board of Supervisors, the elected body that oversees elections in Arizona’s most populous county, voted unanimously on Friday to approve the results of this month’s general election.
The majority-Republican supervisors did so after spending hours on Friday afternoon asking election officials who oversaw the voting process numerous questions related to election fairness, security, technology and oversight.
Before the vote, the supervisors, four Republicans and one Democrat, said they were satisfied with the answers.
Republican chairman Clint Hickman said there was no proof of fraud or misconduct in the election and he was confident that voters were provided with a fair election. He said that he “learned a lot about the character of people in this community” on the matter, and he would not “violate the law or deviate from my own moral compass,” even though he said that’s what some had pressured him to do.
“No matter how you voted, this election was administered with integrity, transparency, and most importantly in accordance with Arizona state laws,” Hickman said.
A Clark County District Court judge has rejected what she called a “shocking ask” to nullify Nevada’s election results and order a new election on scant evidence of voter fraud brought by a group tied to former U.S. Senate candidate and conservative activist Sharron Angle.
Judge Gloria Sturman rejected the request by Election Integrity Project and Angle after a lengthy hearing Friday afternoon, saying that the group’s claims of potential voter fraud fell far short of the required level of evidence needed for a judgment in their favor — throwing out a state law allowing mail-in ballots to be sent to all active registered voters, declaring the 2020 election null and ordering a new election to take place.
Sturman said she didn’t want to outright dismiss concerns that people may have fraudulently voted in the 2020 election, but said there were other remedies available and that ordering a new election days before the statewide certification of vote totals would create a “very serious harm to the public.”
“I’m not saying that there might not be problems, and your client might not have found really serious problems, and there is an administrative remedy for people who do this kind of thing. They should be investigated by the secretary of state, and they should be prosecuted if found to have done something illegal,” she said. “But the civil remedy of throwing out an election is just, to me, a shocking ask.”
“The Trump campaign is continually revisiting issues that the commission has ruled on, such as observers saying that they cannot see when, again, that was addressed already,” Christenson said to explain what is slowing the process.
There appeared to be a disconnect between the attorneys arguing before the three-member Board of Canvassers and the attorneys acting on behalf of the Trump campaign in the aisles and the observers at each of the tables where the counting is taking place, he said.
Another issue, he said, is that the observers are “disruptive,” asking question after question and telling the election workers to stop what they’re doing.
“It’s not our job to train their observers on what they’re observing,” he said. “They clearly don’t know what they’re doing and so they keep asking questions. And we’ve said to the Trump campaign, you need to tell your people what you’re looking for here because they’re objecting to every ballot.”
Observers need to ask the campaigns if they have questions, not the election workers, he said.
He said he believed a total of three ballots from Bayside and Hales Corners were rejected so far.
The Michigan and national Republican parties have asked the Board of State Canvassers to delay certification of the state’s election results in a bid to investigate “anomalies and irregularities” alleged to have occurred in Michigan’s Nov. 3 election.
Michigan Republican Party Chairwoman Laura Cox and Republican National Committee Chairwoman Ronna Romney McDaniel asked the state to conduct a “full, transparent audit” before certification, noting other states like Georgia “have taken discretionary steps” in determining their results.
The Board of State Canvassers is scheduled to meet Monday to consider certification.
The request from Cox and McDaniel came the morning after Michigan Republican lawmakers met with President Donald Trump at the White House for an hour.
In a statement after the meeting, Senate Majority Leader Mike Shirkey and House Speaker Lee Chatfield suggested the lawmakers used the Oval Office meeting to focus on COVID-19 relief and not the certification of Michigan’s election results.
Chatfield and Shirkey also said in their statement that they have “not yet been made aware of any information that would change the outcome of the election in Michigan,” which President-elect Joe Biden won by 154,000 votes.
But Trump responded on Twitter Saturday morning to the lawmakers’ statement by reiterating his unproven claims that there was “massive voter fraud” in Michigan’s election.
Trump retweeted a post from Shirkey about the meeting, saying, “This is true, but much different than reported by the media. We will show massive and unprecedented fraud!” Trump wrote.
Through a spokeswoman, Shirkey declined to comment on Trump’s tweet Saturday.
The NAACP Legal Defense Fund filed a federal lawsuit on behalf of Black Michigan voters against President Donald Trump and his campaign Friday, accusing both of violating the Voting Rights Act.
The lawsuit, filed in U.S. District Court in Washington, argued that Trump is pressuring election officials not to certify votes in Michigan based on false allegations of election fraud in an attempt to suppress votes, particularly those of Black voters.
The fraud allegations have been “consistently debunked and the campaign’s litigation attempts turned away by courts in several states,” Sherrilyn Ifill, president and director-counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund Inc., said in a statement.
“The president’s use of dog whistles to suggest the illegitimacy of votes cast by Black voters in Detroit, Philadelphia, Milwaukee and Atlanta are an appeal to a dangerous and corrosive racialized narrative of voter fraud,” she added.
The lawsuit argued that the president’s “tactics repeat the worst abuses in our nation’s history, as Black Americans were denied a voice in American democracy for most of the first two centuries of the Republic.”
Defendants are “openly seeking to disenfranchise Black voters, including voters in Detroit, Michigan,” the suit alleged. “Repeating false claims of voter fraud, which have been thoroughly debunked, Defendants are pressuring state and local officials in Michigan not to count votes from Wayne County, Michigan, … and thereby disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of voters.”
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 “protects against efforts to intimidate or coerce officials to disenfranchise Black voters,” Ifill said.
The lawsuit called for Trump or his campaign to halt any efforts to disenfranchise voters.
NYT:
But this is also a moment of truth for the Republican Party: The country is on a knife’s edge, with G.O.P. officials from state capitols to Congress choosing between the will of voters and the will of one man. In pushing his false claims to the limits, cowing Republicans into acquiescence or silence, and driving officials like Mr. Shinkle to nervous indecision, Mr. Trump has revealed the fragility of the electoral system — and shaken it.
At this point, the president’s impact is not so much about overturning the election — both parties agree he has no real chance of doing that — but infusing the democratic process with so much mistrust and confusion that it ceases to function as it should….
Civil rights leaders are especially alarmed at Mr. Trump’s efforts, given that most of them have falsely portrayed cities with large Black populations, like Detroit and Philadelphia, as so corrupt that their votes shouldn’t count. The argument that Mr. Trump’s attempt is all for show and will not succeed has done little to allay their concern.
“How is it ‘show’ when you’re basically systematically delegitimizing Black voters by your rhetoric,” said Sherrilyn Ifill, president of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, which filed suit against Mr. Trump in Michigan on Friday for trying to disenfranchise Black voters (it did so on behalf of the Michigan Welfare Rights Organization and three residents). “How can that be anything but incredibly dangerous,” she added.
Ms. Ifill marveled at the position of the Republican Party, which was the nation’s first true civil rights party from the time of slavery through the late 1950s, but now, under Mr. Trump’s unchallenged leadership, is effectively taking a stance against voting in entire cities and states.
“Civil rights haven’t moved — one party has moved, and that move has not been toward an embrace of democracy, it’s been away from it,’’ she said.
President Donald Trump’s effort to overturn the election results is about to smash into reality: a gauntlet of battleground state deadlines that are poised to extinguish his increasingly desperate attempts to hold onto the presidency.
Michigan is due to certify its state results Monday. Arizona and Pennsylvania counties must also finalize their results the same day. On the heels of Georgia’s certification of Joe Biden’s victory on Friday, the series of administrative deadlines stands to all but formalize Biden’s win by officially affirming the results in enough contested states to put him over the 270-electoral-vote threshold.
As late as Friday, the president summoned Michigan lawmakers to the White House as part of his last-ditch lobbying effort to convince them to intervene to stop the state’s certification of the election results….
So far congressional Republicans have largely kept Trump at arm’s length, refusing to embrace his allegations of fraud but insisting he has the right to lodge fraud complaints and take legal action. Some of Trump’s closer allies in the Capitol have called for a hearing on election “irregularities,” suggesting the complaints from the Trump campaign deserve to be pursued.
In the meantime, Trump’s arguments have made inroads with Republican voters, with polls reflecting deep distrust in the election results, despite no substantiveevidence of fraud.
“It’s a crass anti-democratic effort that is bound to fail but it is helping to undermine the confidence of Trump supporters in the process,” said Rick Hasen, a law professor at the University of California Irvine. “So this is not a cost-less exercise. Just because it’s not going to work doesn’t mean that’s harmless.”
President Donald Trump has driven senators into retirement and tweeted wayward Republicans into primary defeat during four years leading the GOP. Now, as a lame duck, he’s launched a new campaign against GOP election officials who won’t bend to his will.
Trump’s drive to discredit the results of an election he lost has put him at odds with the Republican elected officials and administrators who oversaw the vote in key states — and called it what it was: a free and fair election. Being at odds with Trump doesn’t go over well in today’s Republican Party, and Trump has turned their political bases against them, even unleashing threats from his most rabid supporters.
No GOP official has caught more flak than Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, a fairly conventional Republican who won the job as Georgia’s top election official two years ago running as a rock-ribbed, anti-voter fraud conservative — with Trump’s endorsement. Now, after refusing strident calls from Trump and allies not to certify results that show President-elect Joe Biden carried Georgia, he’s facing down a potential primary challenge in 2022 and his family is dealing with death threats.https://e2013af35bb80840858adee9831441fd.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-37/html/container.html
“I am a Republican, and a conservative one. And I believe that I’m going to be disappointed, because I don’t believe that my candidate is going to win,” Raffensperger said in an interview this week, before Georgia certified its results. “But that said, I want 100 percent of people to have confidence in the results. I’m not gonna like it. And I’m gonna have to take that medicine, just like everyone else in my party will, but it will be an accurate count.”
Raffensperger said he will run for another term in 2022, though other Republicans “probably have notions” of beating him in a primary now, he said. “And right now, emotions are pretty high. That’ll be what it is. I’m going to do my job. And my accounting is to the Georgians that put me in office here, and really all Georgians.”
The Justice Department has met President Trump’s fantastical claims of widespread voter fraud with two weeks of skeptical silence, not taking any overt moves to investigate what Trump’s lawyer, Rudolph W. Giuliani, claims is a globe-spanning conspiracy to steal the election.
Such deafening silence from one of the government’s main enforcers of election law indicates just how little evidence there is to support the wild, wide-ranging claims made by Trump and his supporters, most notably Giuliani in a Thursday news conference held inside the Republican National Committee headquarters.
Privately, Justice Department officials have said they are willing to investigate legitimate claims of vote fraud; Attorney General William P. Barr even loosened some restrictions that might otherwise have discouraged prosecutors from doing so before results are certified.
But current and former officials said they thought Giuliani’s accusations sounded “crazy,” and they have not seen or heard of any evidence suggesting large-scale fraud, let alone the kind of intercontinental conspiracy described by the president’s lawyer. Like others, they spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss a politically sensitive matter.
More to come when I have time, but start here:
Here’s the current third circuit standard, which shows that the must be a showing of BOTH a likelihood of success AND irreparable harm, not, as the old case states “A sufficiently strong showing on either the likelihood of success or irreparable harm may justify an injunction”:
We also are aware that, significantly later than this confusion arose, the Supreme Court stated that “[a] plaintiff seeking a preliminary injunction must establish that he is likely to succeed on the merits, that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief, that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and that an injunction is in the public interest.” Winter v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 20, 129 S.Ct. 365, 172 L.Ed.2d 249 (2008). At first blush that statement would lend support to the divergent standard articulated in Opticians Association of America almost twenty years earlier. But for four reasons we think Winter did not overrule our balancing-of-the-factors standard.
First, the Supreme Court in Winter explained that “[i]n each case … courts must balance the competing claims of injury and must consider the effect on each party of the granting or withholding of the requested relief.” Winter, 555 U.S. at 24, 129 S.Ct. 365 (emphasis added) (quotation omitted). It concluded that “[a]n injunction is a matter of equitable discretion” that requires “the balance of equities.” Id. at 32, 129 S.Ct. 365 (emphasis added). That is why Justice Ginsburg determined that the 178*178 “Court has never rejected [the balancing] formulation, and [did] not believe it [did] so” in Winter. Id. at 51, 129 S.Ct. 365 (Ginsburg, J., dissenting).
That reading of Winter comports with the Supreme Court’s following opinion on temporary equitable orders, Nken v. Holder, 556 U.S. 418, 129 S.Ct. 1749, 173 L.Ed.2d 550 (2009), decided in the same term just five months later (with both opinions written by Chief Justice Roberts). There the Court explained that a district court must undertake “consideration of [the] four factors.” Id. at 434, 129 S.Ct. 1749. “Once an applicant satisfies the first two factors, the traditional [equitable relief] inquiry calls for assessing the harm to the opposing party and weighing the public interest.” Id. at 435, 129 S.Ct. 1749. Though Nken dealt with the issuance of a stay pending appeal, the Court explained that the same factors apply as in the preliminary injunction context “not because the two are one and the same, but because similar concerns arise whenever a court order may allow or disallow anticipated action before the legality of that action has been conclusively determined.” Id. at 434, 129 S.Ct. 1749. Read together, these companion cases promote the traditional flexibility to granting interim equitable relief in which the district court has full discretion to balance the four factors once gateway thresholds are met. See id.; Winter, 555 U.S. at 32, 129 S.Ct. 365.
Second, other circuits have agreed with our reading of Winter and Nken. For instance, the Seventh Circuit, citing Winter, has held that a preliminary injunction may issue if the movant demonstrates it will face irreparable harm and has a “plausible claim on the merits,” after which “the `balance of equities’ favors” the movant. Hoosier Energy Rural Elec. Coop., Inc. v. John Hancock Life Ins. Co., 582 F.3d 721, 725 (7th Cir. 2009) (Easterbrook, C.J.). “How strong a claim on the merits is enough depends on the balance of the harms: the more net harm an injunction can prevent, the weaker the plaintiff’s claim on the merits can be while still supporting some preliminary relief.” Id. Similarly, citing Winter, the D.C. Circuit has declined “to abandon the so-called `sliding scale’ approach to weighing the four preliminary injunction factors” and held that a “party seeking a preliminary injunction must make a clear showing that [the] four factors, taken together, warrant relief….” League of Women Voters of the United States v. Newby, 838 F.3d 1, 6-7 (D.C. Cir. 2016) (emphasis added) (quotations omitted). The Second Circuit also has interpreted Winter and Nken as permitting a district court to continue a “flexible approach” in granting preliminary equitable relief, and that if those cases meant “to abrogate the more flexible standard for a preliminary injunction, one would expect some reference to the considerable history of the flexible standards applied in [the Second Circuit], seven [other] sister circuits, and the Supreme Court itself.” Citigroup Glob. Mkts., Inc. v. VCG Special Opportunities Master Fund, Ltd., 598 F.3d 30, 37-38 (2d Cir. 2010). We find that reasoning persuasive.
Third, no test for considering preliminary equitable relief should be so rigid as to diminish, let alone disbar, discretion. District courts have the freedom to fashion preliminary equitable relief so long as they do so by “exercising their sound discretion.” Winter, 555 U.S. at 24, 129 S.Ct. 365 (quotation omitted). Because those courts are on the frontline and are much more familiar with the unique facts of a particular case, we apply a deferential standard in reviewing their decisions on preliminary equitable relief — abuse of discretion. See Campbell Soup Co., 977 F.2d at 91 (quotation omitted). Indeed, “[t]he essence of equity jurisdiction has been the power of the [court] to do equity and to mould each decree to the necessities of the particular case. Flexibility rather than rigidity has distinguished it.” Weinberger v. Romero-Barcelo, 456 U.S. 305, 312, 102 S.Ct. 1798, 72 L.Ed.2d 91 (1982) (quotations omitted).
179*179 Fourth, disallowing a district court from balancing the four factors is inconsistent with the Supreme Court’s post-Winter instruction in Nken that, when evaluating whether interim equitable relief is appropriate, “[t]he first two factors of the traditional standard are the most critical.” 556 U.S. at 434, 129 S.Ct. 1749. An Opticians Association of America standard — in which all four factors are effectively critical in equal recourse — is logically incompatible with Nken‘s unambiguous holding. What would be the point of creating two gateway factors by placing elevated value on them if all are equally imperative? There would be none. And to require a moving party to prevail on all factors reads out balancing when not all factors favor that party.
Accordingly, we follow our precedent that a movant for preliminary equitable relief must meet the threshold for the first two “most critical” factors: it must demonstrate that it can win on the merits (which requires a showing significantly better than negligible but not necessarily more likely than not[3]) and that it is more likely than not to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief[4]. If these gateway factors are met, a court then considers the remaining two factors and determines in its sound discretion if all four factors, taken together, balance in favor of granting the requested preliminary relief. In assessing these factors, Judge Easterbrook’s observation bears repeating: “How strong a claim on the merits is enough depends on the balance of the harms: the more net harm an injunction can prevent, the weaker the plaintiff’s claim on the merits can be while still supporting some preliminary relief.” Hoosier Energy, 582 F.3d at 725.
One of the left’s biggest financial hubs raised $137 million from anonymous donors in 2019 — a massive sum that funded an eight-figure ad campaign attacking Republican senators, bolstered key pieces of Democratic and environmentalist infrastructure and supported expensive ballot measure campaigns.
The nine-figure influx to the Sixteen Thirty Fund last year, detailed in a new tax filing, almost equaled the group’s fundraising during the 2018 midterm elections, when the nonprofit raised $143 million and
The “social welfare organization” — which, unlike a super PAC, is not required to disclose the identities of its donors — has multiplied in size during the Trump administration, becoming one of the biggest financial forces in American politics. Sixteen Thirty Fund’s rise signaled the left’s embrace of nonprofit groups it long derided as “dark money,” when the right dominated the space during the Obama years….
More than half of the Sixteen Thirty Fund’s money came from just three anonymous sources in 2019: One donor gave more than $33 million, while another chipped in $29.3 million and a third made a $12.1 million contribution. An additional four contributors gave between $5 million and $10 million in 2019, and 11 more gave at least $1 million. Altogether, those 18 donors gave more than $127 million — more than 90 percent of the Sixteen Thirty Fund’s total inflow last year.
Historians weigh in on this at the Washington Post. Here is a passage from the Anti-Federalists, who opposed the Constitution — this is about their fear of the new office of the President:
… We may also suppose, without trespassing upon the bounds of probability, that this man may not have the means of supporting, in private life, the dignity of his former station; that like Caesar, he may be at once ambitious and poor, and deeply involved in debt. Such a man would die a thousand deaths rather than sink from the heights of splendor and power, into obscurity and wretchedness.”
I was glad to see this news. I have been arguing for a number of years now that the 2011 ban on earmarks is a good example of how the pursuit of “political purity” has contributed to making Congress less able to put together budget and appropriations legislation. With a small governing majority, it is all the more important that Democratic leaders in the House have the ability to bring members along on these matters by offering them benefits for their districts. If this change is adopted, I will be interested to see what conditions, if any, are imposed on the kinds of earmarks that can be requested.
The House had created a Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress as one of the first acts of the 116th Congress. The committee has been praised for functioning in a bipartisan fashion. It was chaired by Rep. Kilmer (D-Wa), with Rep. Tom Graves (R-Ga) as vice-chair. When the committee issued its report, I blogged a month ago on this site about its recommendation to restore earmarks, among the 97 recommendations the committee made.
Here is an excerpt from that earlier post:
“One of the biggest reasons, I think, Congress is held in low regard is because of the dysfunction that you’ve seen on budget and appropriations matters,” Kilmer said.
They believe that if members of Congress could be in charge of directing funding to their districts, they will be much more invested in the entire process.
Their proposal would limit earmarks to local entities like water authorities and police departments, not private companies, and that they would function like grant proposals. And if local officials abused the system, federal investigators would be empowered to claw back the funds.
This is the abstract from a new study, published by Yosef Bonaparte:
We demonstrate that since the early 1990’s, it is becoming increasingly common for firms to be run by CEOs who are aligned with the Democratic Party, which we refer to as the blue trend. We find evidence that at least one factor driving this trend appears to be the rise of the role of women, who tend to have values that align with the Democratic Party. Further, we find that the blue trend is stronger in industries that are more considerable to women as a source of employees or customers (e.g., hospitality, computers, etc.). Nevertheless, the trend appears to be quite pervasive, as nearly 75% of industries turned bluer. The blue trend also has several implications on corporate governing and on the overall stock market performance and volatility, as the presence of more CEOs who are aligned with the Democratic Party is associated with the lower overall stock market returns. Collectively, our evidence suggests that there is a change in the leadership on Wall Street and that has implications for corporate culture, and the stock market landscape.
Great NYT column from Mark Leibovich.
NYT goes back to Hayes-Tilden.
The lawyers have not taken that claim to court and have not provided any evidence to support it.
“This is delusional,” said Mark Braden, the former chief counsel at the RNC. “I’m a professional Republican so it’s not easy for me to have to deal with my friends on this. Look — voter fraud occurs. I’ve seen it. It happens. But you have to be realistic about the size and scope of it.”
Republican lawyers interviewed by The Hill said Trump’s early legal challenges on voter fraud were defensible and reasonable, even if they had no chance of changing the outcome of the election. But they’re disturbed by the dark turn things have taken, and worried that Trump’s claims are undermining democracy and misleading millions of his own supporters.
“The Venezuelans didn’t screw around with the voting machines,” Braden said. “That’s 100 percent total nonsense. I don’t know what’s going on here. It’s very dangerous that we’re undermining the system. Democracy isn’t a God-given right. It’s a fragile process. The two most important things are that the person with the most lawful votes wins, and that the people who voted for the losing side also believe their candidate lost. This is undermining that idea and it’s a dangerous thing.”
I’ve just published this new New York Times piece:
The country is coming to a crossroad on Monday. That’s the date Michigan is to certify the results of the 2020 election. Yet President Trump has chosen a state he lost by more than 150,000 votes — more than 14 times the size of his 2016 victory in Michigan — to try to subvert the election.
Having failed in the courts, President Trump is now grasping at a new lifeline: pressuring Republican election officials and legislators to ignore the reality that Joe Biden legitimately won the popular vote in their states. This tactic, now being played out in Michigan, is no doubt sending the anxiety levels of Biden supporters back to where they were before the courts had calmed these efforts by exposing how empty most of the legal claims were.
But this tactic, too, is destined to fail — though it is toxic for the country’s politics….
The Biden campaign and Michigan voters would likely first turn to the state or federal courts. A court would likely issue an order to the state board to certify the result — legally, this is known as issuing a writ of mandamus — because the board’s legal duty is clear and unequivocal once it has received the certified vote totals from the counties. If the resistant board members were still willing to defy the court and go to jail (presidential pardons do not apply to state crimes), a court could also issue the certification itself.
Michigan’s governor also has legal powers she could invoke, though whether she would choose to do so would involve complex political judgments. Under the state’s constitution, she has the power — the constitution, actually, calls it a duty — to remove or suspend from office a canvassing board member for “gross neglect of duty,” “corrupt conduct” or “for any other misfeasance or malfeasance” in carrying out their duties. Failing to certify on the facts in Michigan would easily meet this standard….
One of the many tragedies of what has gone on since the election is that we should be celebrating our achievement at having smoothly managed to conduct an exceptionally high turnout election under the most difficult circumstances. Think of the list of concerns we had in advance of the election: foreign interference; inability to staff polling places; huge lines on Election Day; excessive challenges at the polls or even violent confrontations; high rejection rates of absentee ballots; large numbers of absentees arriving too late to be counted; long delays in mail delivery that compromised the outcome…
Yet the country, mired in baseless accusations of fraud, cannot even see this achievement, let alone celebrate it. Even those who voted for Mr. Biden are too consumed with anxiety about getting safely to Jan. 20 to celebrate the country’s triumph in how well the election was run.
President Trump will undoubtedly continue to try any tactic to fend off the reality that he lost the election. But even if he manages to corrupt a few partisan actors, it will not change the outcome. The election survived the stress test we faced. The post-election process will as well.
The real danger is that the country will become increasingly ungovernable.
CNN:
A GOP Senate source told CNN that the combination of Giuliani’s news conference, as well as the President meddling in the Michigan election process, has some GOP senators reconsidering their silence. This source says most had hoped that Trump’s tirade would have worked itself out by now, but his actions in the last 24 hours make that hope seem more and more distant.
According to the same source, a handful of GOP senators are talking about whether and how to interject in a way that will be most effective with the President. There is some talk of trying to speak to Trump and trying to implore him to go out on a high note by touting wins in the House, as well as helping win the two outstanding US Senate seats in Georgia and taking credit for the Covid-19 vaccine movement, among other accomplishments.
The source emphasized, however, that this is not a leadership position right now — more rank and file Republicans….
North Carolina Rep. Richard Hudson, who will serve on the House GOP’s leadership team in the next Congress, on Friday characterized the unsubstantiated allegations leveled by the Trump team as “breathtaking” and “serious enough that they need to be investigated.”
Hudson said “yes,” states should delay certifying the results until the allegations are “adequately investigated.”
Asked if he’d be OK if state legislatures named electors that differed from the outcome of the vote counts in their states, Hudson told CNN: “Yeah, that’s the constitutional process.”
“I mean, it’s breathtaking to think about,” Hudson said of the allegations. “And if it’s not true, then there needs to be a reckoning on our side.”
Federal law encourages states to resolve disputes over vote-counting by December 8, six days before electors meet in their state capitals to cast their ballots. If Biden’s win is certified by December 8, Congress must recognize the pro-Biden electors.
Under the long-shot theory, Republican-led legislatures could appoint pro-Trump slates of presidential electors, even if Biden carried the popular vote in their state, assuming a state has not certified the vote in time.A
sked on Thursday if his state should delay certifying the election, Arizona Rep. Paul Gosar told CNN: “I believe it should.” Gosar also said the “state has the ability” to name its own electors to the Electoral College if the results aren’t certified as part of the “system set up by our founders.” And when asked if he would support the state legislature naming its own electors, Gosar said: “I do.”
The most recent Trump campaign legal complaint in PA argues, in part, that in Biden-leaning counties, voters were given notice and an opportunity to cure absentee ballot defects and vote a provisional ballot, while voters in Trump-leaning counties were not.
For perspective, here are the numbers for provisional ballots cast statewide in PA (assuming I’ve added up correctly the numbers at the PA’ Department of State website:
Biden: 51,866
Trump: 47,333
Jo Jorgensen: 1,218
In advance, the expectation was that provisional ballots would tilt heavily toward Biden, as did absentee ballots. That’s because voters who show up at the polls and have the types of problems that lead them to have to cast provisional ballots are more likely to come from the groups that tended to support Biden.
In fact, as it turns out, Biden’s vote share among the provisionals was very close to his vote share for all the votes cast in PA. Statewide, Biden has won 50.0% of the vote, based on the most recent numbers, which are still not fully complete. Based on the numbers above, Biden won about 51.65% of the provisionals. If he had won only 50% of the provisionals, consistent with his overall statewide support, he would have had about 1,600 fewer provisional votes.
National Review editorial:
The Rudy Giuliani–led press conference at the RNC yesterday was the most outlandish and irresponsible performance ever by a group of lawyers representing a president of the United States.
If Giuliani’s charge of a “national conspiracy” to produce fraudulent votes in Democratic cities around the country wasn’t far-fetched enough, attorney Sidney Powell ratcheted it up with the allegation that Communist-designed election machinery was used to change the vote from a Trump landslide to a narrow Biden victory. An obvious question is why, if you can manipulate the vote count via machine, you’d need to bother with old-fashioned fraudulent ballots. Powell’s story is that the surprisingly strong Trump turnout “broke the algorithm” of the corrupted machines, and then the fraudulent ballots were desperately hauled in to make up the difference.
This is lawyering worthy of the comments section of Breitbart News.
Ciara Torres-Spelliscy for the Brennan Center.
In a Thursday meeting punctuated by outbursts from attendees, a wheelbarrow full of letters and repeated calls to order, two county clerks recommended a raft of election changes during the first testimony taken in a legislative inquiry into the Nov. 3 election.
The three-hour joint oversight committee hearing was the first to take testimony on Michigan’s Nov. 3 election, where unproven allegations of election fraud and ballot irregularities prompted Michigan lawmakers to subpoena voting-related records from the state to examine the issues.
Some attendees seeking to “Stop the Steal” attended the meeting, grumbling about some responses and laughing when witnesses said dead voters did not vote in Michigan.
Democratic lawmakers questioned the value of the hearing. Democratic Rep. Cynthia Johnson of Detroit yelled at the end of the meeting when she didn’t get a question in, and criticized the GOP-led Legislature for holding such a meeting during a pandemic. She was gaveled down by Republican Sen. Ed McBroom of Vulcan.
AJC:
Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger said “numbers don’t lie” as he plans to certify Georgia’s election results Friday that showed Joe Biden defeated President Donald Trump.
Biden was ahead of Trump by over 12,000 votes in both machine counts and a manual recount of paper ballots.
“Like other Republicans, I’m disappointed our candidate didn’t win,” Raffensperger said during a news conference at the state Capitol. “Working as an engineer throughout my life, I live by the motto that numbers don’t lie. As secretary of state, I believe that the numbers that we have presented today are correct. The numbers reflect the verdict of the people.”
A manual recount and audit of all ballots found that Biden received 12,284 more votes than Trump, according to results released Thursday. The recount was within 500 votes of initial machine ballot counts.
Another bid by an ally of President Donald Trump to overturn the results of this month’s election was roundly rejected in court on Thursday, as a federal judge appointed by Trump turned down a bid to block the certification of President-elect Joe Biden as the victor in Georgia.
At the conclusion of a three-hour virtual hearing, U.S. District Court Judge Steven Grimberg delivered a withering assessment of the suit that a prominent attorney, Lin Wood, filed to try to stop officials from finalizing a tally that has Trump trailing Biden by more than 12,000 votes.
Grimberg said it was clear that, as an individual voter, Wood lacked legal standing to mount the challenge to Georgia’s election procedures. But the judge — a former prosecutor whom Trump nominated last year — also emphasized that evidence of improprieties seemed limited to isolated cases and far short of what would be needed to justify a federal judge stepping in to alter the state’s election results.
“It would require halting the certification of results in a state election in which millions of people have voted,” the judge said. “It would interfere with an election after the voting was done.”
The judge also seemed to allude to the acrimonious atmosphere surrounding the election as a reason to be wary about interfering in the process as Wood requested.
“It harms the public interest in countless ways, particularly in the environment in which this election occurred,” Grimberg said. “To halt the certification at literally the 11th hour would breed confusion and potentially disenfranchisement that I find has no basis in fact or in law.”
Yesterday Jenna Ellis of the Trump campaign (who had comically attacked me for noting that one of campaign’s proposed orders erred in signing a proposed order as if the judge had signed it) said at a press conference that the press did not understand how the law worked and that there was no need for the campaign to produce evidence in its attempt to overturn the results of the election. (“Your question is fundamentally flawed, when you’re asking, ‘where’s the evidence?’ You clearly don’t understand the legal process.”)
Ellis has a point when it comes to a court considering a motion to dismiss a complaint (where the court does not look at the evidence but instead whether the allegations in the complaint are “plausible” and state a claim that a court can grant relief to), but she’s totally wrong when it comes to the question of the campaign’s Motion for a temporary restraining order/preliminary injunction filed in a federal court in Pennsylvania seeking not just to stop certification but to provide a basis for overturning the election.
At this stage in the process, the campaign must produce evidence to support its claims, because a key question that courts look at in deciding whether to grant a motion for a TRO or preliminary injunction is likelihood of success on the merits: which requires showing the law and facts are on your side, at least at this preliminary stage.
But the campaign did not do that. Not only did it not present evidence of fraud, which Giuliani admitted at Tuesday’s court hearing they were not going to do in this case despite loose talk in the complaint: the motion provides no statistical evidence to support its theory that supposed illegal votes could be deducted from Biden and Trump which would hand Trump the victory. It says it has retained an expert but includes no report whatsoever (and the claim is based upon faulty math). The campaign wants a delay in certification (which can come as early as Monday so that it could try to find evidence). This comes too late.
On top of that, their theory that they can just deduct votes based upon some kind of promised (but not provided) statistical analysis is crazy. As Ned Foley, the country’s leading expert in contested elections through American history, explains: “Trump brief in PA fed court opens with admission that it lacks evidence: see p2 n2. It speculates that IF 10% of mail ballots were unlawful, then statistics MIGHT cast doubt on Biden’s win; even math is wrong because Biden’s margin now is 81K, not 75K. No court, especially not a federal court, should negate an election based on this kind of non-showing. Trump seeks bogging the election down in fed court “discovery” of every mail ballot based on nothing more than conjecture that there might be problems with enough of them. If a state-law judicial contest of an election were filed based on nothing more than this kind of speculation, it would be quickly dismissed for lack of factual predicate for going forward. Fed court should not provide end-run around state-law process.”
I’d add that the complaint points to no authority for this kind of deduction, which is not how election contests are typically proven in state court. You’d have to prove (not just surmise) that there were enough illegal votes accepted for Biden combined with enough legal votes that were not accepted for Trump to make up an 81,000 vote difference; you don’t do this with statistics, you do this with actual evidence. And the actual evidence of such illegal votes counted or legal votes not counted in this litigation is: zero.
This lack of evidence is no surprise and it infects the Trump and Trump-allied lawsuits around the country.
Look, the complaint in Pennsylvania is not likely to survive a motion to dismiss: there are strong arguments that the campaign has no standing to bring this claim under Third Circuit precedent; that the claim is barred by the doctrine of laches because the campaign could have brought these claims before the election and to bring it now would disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of Pennsylvania voters and overturn the will of the people based upon no showing of any illegal ballots; that their Bush v. Gore equal protection theory does not apply to this context; and that the appropriate forum to contest an election is a state court rather than a federal court.
But even if the Trump campaign overcame all of these hurdles and the court would take a look at the evidence, their request for relief fails for a fundamental lack of proof. We are in an emergency election contest. You can’t try to get relief two and a half weeks after a federal election without proof but promising proof to come.
As I told the AP, “It’s kind of a fallacy to say, well, Trump might be doing better if he had better lawyers. Part of the reason he doesn’t have good lawyers is he doesn’t have good claims to bring.”
GOP senators like Senator Hawley who say they are waiting to see what evidence is produced in court don’t have to wait any longer. There’s nothing here.
There’s a simple mathematical confusion in this filing. The filing says:
“Instantly, if discovery is granted, prior to the hearing, Plaintiffs will examine these envelopes to determine the percentage of mail ballots that were illegally counted –of which Democratic Candidate Joseph Biden won approximately 75% and President Trump 25%, a 50% margin for Biden.”
That is not a 50% margin for Biden. It is a 50 percentage point margin. In fact, Biden received three times more of the absentee vote than did Trump. The difference between percentages and percentage points is often very large, as this example illustrates.
This is not the worst mistake in the world. It is not uncommon to confuse percentage points and percentages. Still, this is a legal filing in federal court.
The Washington Post:
As Fox News host Tucker Carlson noted on Thursday night, he’s more than willing to give airtime to outlandish claims. “We literally do UFO segments,” he said.
But even Carlson said he was fed up with the total lack of evidence produced by Sidney Powell, one of the Trump campaign’s attorneys, for her unfounded allegation that electronic voting systems had switched millions of ballots to favor President-elect Joe Biden.
“We invited Sidney Powell on the show. We would have given her the whole hour,” Carlson said. “But she never sent us any evidence, despite a lot of requests, polite requests. Not a page. When we kept pressing, she got angry and told us to stop contacting her.”
Carlson also noted: “She never demonstrated that a single actual vote was moved illegitimately by software from one candidate to another. Not one.”
CNN:
President Donald Trump told an ally that he knows he lost, but that he is delaying the transition process and is aggressively trying to sow doubt about the election results in order to get back at Democrats for questioning the legitimacy of his own election in 2016, especially with the Russia investigation, a source familiar with the President’s thinking told CNN on Thursday.
The President’s refusal to concede, as CNN has previously reported, stems in part from his perceived grievance that Hillary Clinton and former President Barack Obama undermined his own presidency by saying Russia interfered in the 2016 election and could have impacted the outcome, people around him have said.Trump continues to hold a grudge against those who he claims undercut his election by pointing to Russian interference efforts, and he has suggested it is fair game to not recognize Joe Biden as the President-elect, even though Clinton conceded on election night in 2016 and the Trump transition was able to begin immediately.
Trump is also continuing to process the emotional scars of losing to a candidate he repeatedly said during the campaign was an unworthy opponent whose win would amount to humiliation. He again made no public appearances on Thursday, skipping the first coronavirus task force briefing at the White House in more than six months. He is planning to participate in a virtual Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation summit Friday, a senior administration official told CNN.
Trump has heard from a multitude of friends and business associates who have been urging him to at least let the transition begin, even if he doesn’t want to concede, another source who is also familiar with the President’s thinking told CNN. His answer: No. You’re wrong. “Absolutely wrong,” according to one source.
When Trump has been told to get Rudy Giuliani and other members of his legal team off the case, the President has disagreed. He wants to continue the fight, and people close to the President have even expressed concern that he is buying into Giuliani’s false claims that his legal efforts can change the election’s outcome. He has shown no signs of backing down, even as those around him continue indicating that the end is near. Those allies have expressed worry that a sizable faction of the country thinks the election was stolen from Trump and that Biden isn’t receiving national security briefings.
President Trump on Thursday accelerated his efforts to interfere in the nation’s electoral process, taking the extraordinary step of reaching out directly to Republican state legislators from Michigan and inviting them to the White House on Friday for discussions as the state prepares to certify President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. the winner there.
For Mr. Trump and his Republican allies, Michigan has become the prime target in their campaign to subvert the will of voters backing Mr. Biden in the recent election. Mr. Trump called at least one G.O.P. elections official in the Detroit area this week after she voted to certify Mr. Biden’s overwhelming victory there, and he is now set to meet with legislators ahead of Michigan’s deadline on Monday to certify the results.
The president has also asked aides what Republican officials he could call in other battleground states in his effort to prevent the certification of results that would formalize his loss to Mr. Biden, several advisers said. Trump allies appear to be pursuing a highly dubious legal theory that if the results are not certified, Republican legislatures could intervene and appoint pro-Trump electors in states Mr. Biden won who would support the president when the Electoral College meets on Dec. 14.
The Republican effort to undo the popular vote is all but certain to fail, as even many Trump allies concede, and it has already suffered near-total defeats in courts in multiple states, including losses on Thursday when judges in Georgia and Arizona ruled against the Trump campaign and its allies….
High-level Republicans in key battlegrounds said they had not been pressured by Mr. Trump.
The office of Butch Miller, the Republican leader of the Georgia Senate, said he had received no overtures from the White House. Both Jake Corman, the State Senate majority leader in Pennsylvania, and Bryan Cutler, the speaker of the House there, said they had not heard from Mr. Trump.
New Josh Douglas for CNN:
Yes, there is election fraud. It’s coming from inside the White House.
President Donald Trump’s attempts to steal the election and win another term are exceedingly unlikely to work. But he is already succeeding in undermining key democratic norms on which our society functions by questioning the results without evidence, falsely alleging voter fraud, and, according to the Washington Post, even reaching out to a local election official charged with certifying results.
Trump, who clearly lost the presidential election by large electoral and popular vote margins, has filed lawsuits in numerous battleground states that have largely gone nowhere. He has lied about massive voter fraud, which doesn’t exist. His lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, even suggested that his goal is to delay certification of the results, enabling Republican legislators to thwart the will of the people and simply award Trump the Electoral College votes he needs to win — an anti-democratic idea that is bound to fail given statements from Republican legislators in key states and Democratic governors who won’t go along with attempts to undermine the electoral process.
And perhaps in the most egregious action to date, Trump personally called Republican Monica Palmer, a local election official in Wayne County, Michigan, after which she sought to change her vote on whether to certify the results.
Who knew the National Geographic wrote stories on these issues, too.
Here’s the filing.
Also pending is the motion to dismiss.
Briefing ends Saturday and certification can come as early as Monday, so I expect a ruling on Saturday or Sunday.
“President Trump’s strategy for retaining power despite losing the U.S. election is focused increasingly on persuading Republican legislators to intervene on his behalf in battleground states Democrat Joe Biden won,” Reuters reports.
“Having so far faced a string of losses in legal cases challenging the Nov. 3 results, Trump’s lawyers are seeking to enlist fellow Republicans who control legislatures in Michigan and Pennsylvania, which went for Trump in 2016 and for Biden in 2020.”
A real headline from the New York Times: “Trump Asks Michigan Lawmakers to White House In Bid to Subvert Election”
From this Jonathan Lai interview:
Tell me about the state legislature’s role with regard to the rest of the process. There are a lot of people worried about some sort of overturning of results.
The electors are selected by the winner of the popular vote. That is in our state statute. The only way, I think — and I’m still not even sure we could do it — the only way the legislature would have a role in electors is if there was no certification of the results. If we were at the time when the Electoral College is going to meet and Pennsylvania’s results haven’t been certified and it’s still challenged in court, and there’s no end to that, then possibly the legislature would have a role there.
But I’ve never suggested that we would do anything but what the law states. The law states that when the Secretary of State certifies the election, the governor appoints the electors. That’s the law. And we will follow the law.
The top two leaders in the Republican-controlled Michigan Legislature are expected to visit the White House Friday, according to a source with knowledge of the plans.
The visits by Senate Majority Leader Mike Shirkey, R-Clarklake, and House Speaker Lee Chatfield, R-Levering, will come as a legal fight plays out in the battleground state with President Donald Trump attempting to challenge the results of the Nov. 3 election.
With Trump’s lawsuits faltering (the campaign voluntarily dismissed its federal suit in Michigan today), the remaining Trump play to subvert American democracy and overturn the result of the election is a crazy electoral college gambit: try to get state legislatures involved to appoint their own electors for Trump.
Senator Shirkey in Michigan has already said he would not go along with such a gambit, but we saw Trump’s armtwisting of Republicans on the Wayne County canvassing board could lead people to change their minds.
If the Michigan legislature got together to vote to overturn the result of the election in which Joe Biden won by 150,000 votes, there would be rioting in the streets in Michigan and throughout the country. It would be an actual attempted coup, to subvert American democracy. It would call into question these Legislators’ own elections as well as put their reelection chances in serious jeopardy.
And it wouldn’t work. The certification process is continuing in Michigan, and there will be a slate of electors for Joe Biden, which will be signed by the governor (and therefore get preference in Congress under the electoral count act if there are competing slates of electors).
And of course flipping Michigan would not be enough to change the electoral college outcome. Trump would have to flip three states. By then there would be full scale civil unrest in the United States.
And the electoral college votes would be counted by both houses of Congress, which include a House led by Democrats. And it includes a likely Republican Senate but with at least a few Republican Senators of principle who would not go along with this. If this led to long stalemate, and no electoral college votes counted for President, Trump would cease to be President on January 20 pursuant to the 20th amendment, and we’d have a temporary president.
So the bottom line: we should worry because this is profoundly antidemocratic and is delegitimizing the victory of Joe Biden in a free and fair election. It is profoundly depressing we still have to discuss this. But it is extremely unlikely to lead to any different result for President.
Tierney Sneed for TPM:
The Census Bureau has identified issues in the data from the 2020 decennial census that will take an additional 20 days or so for it to fix, and thus delay the release of survey’s apportionment data until after President Trump leaves office, TPM has learned.
According to a person inside the Census Bureau, the additional time it will take to reprocess the data in question has pushed back the target date for release of the state population counts until Jan. 26 – Feb. 6.
That would mean President-elect Joe Biden will be in the White House when the Census Bureau delivers to him the numbers for him to transmit to Congress for the purposes of determining how many House seats each state will get for the next decade.
They got caught. As you’d expect.
Ned Foley in WaPo:
If the losing party can’t accept defeat, the whole enterprise of electoral democracy is finished. Two-party competition means each party taking turns depending on what the voters want in any given election.
President Trump himself will never acknowledge this. But the Republican Party institutionally must. That is the critical challenge facing Senate Republicans and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.): When and how decisively will they pull the plug on Trump’s desperate effort to force upon the nation a second term that he did not earn from the electorate?
If the United States is to adhere to its foundational premise that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, then Senate Republicans as a party in government need to recognize President-elect Joe Biden’s inauguration not merely as a fait accompli they cannot undo but instead the actual choice that the voters genuinely made in this election….
I remain unshaken in my confidence that, when Congress meets on Jan. 6 to perform its constitutional duty, it will properly announce Biden as the election’s winner.
The remaining questions are how many Republican senators will vote for Biden if the matter is put to a vote through challenges to slates of electors — and, more fundamentally, how many Republicans will forthrightly acknowledge the authenticity of Biden’s election.
There is no basis for denying this. Even the most conservative of election law commentators have joined the chorus to observe that courts don’t overturn elections without adequate evidence of invalid votes that actually made a difference in the outcome. The Trump campaign has provided no proof of that kind in any state, much less the three necessary to deny Biden an electoral college majority.
This president’s intransigence is having costly spillover effects. It is taking a toll on Republican voters’ confidence in the election results. It is causing the kind of corrosive behavior that occurred in Michigan, where the Wayne County canvassing board split 2-2 over certifying its vote tallies, despite it being obvious that Biden has won the state by a margin more than 10 times Trump’s 2016 win. The two local Republicans quickly came to their senses, but not before Team Trump tweeted about its “huge win” — and now it seems they to want to revert to rank partisanship.
The longer McConnell and his colleagues allow this unnecessary uncertainty about the election’s outcome to fester, the worse off our democracy will be.

